Ecological models encompass an evolving body of theory and research concerned with the course and conditions that oversee the lifelong course of human development in their actual environment. Following the diagrammatical illustration of Bronfenbrenner’s social ecological theory, is a personal reflection of my childhood as it relates to the five spheres of ecological influence. This is followed by a reflection on the importance of understanding context for training counsellors, ending the paper with an indebt description of what I have learned so far regarding the distinctiveness in the South African context.
Bronfenbrenner’s Social Ecological Theory
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Bronfenbrenner (1979) defines development as the individual’s growing conception of the ecological environment, their relation to it, as well as their evolving capacity to discover, maintain, or amend its properties. According to Bronfenbrenner (1989), development and socialization are subject to five spheres of influence with which a person is in dynamic interface.
Microsystem
The microsystem comprises the developing person’s closest surroundings assembled from three basic factors comprising position, interpersonal relations, and pattern of activities (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Common microsystems evident in my childhood include: living with my unautocratic mother for the first half of my childhood which provided me with a loving childhood environment; living with my authoritarian father for the second half of my childhood which exposed me to various forms of family conflict, negatively impacting my school performance; and the incredibly hostile relationship with my older sibling which impaired my sense of self-worth and confidence.
Mesosystem
The mesosystem comprise the connections and processes proceeding between microsystems containing the developing person (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Common mesosystems evident in my childhood include: my mother cheering for me at sporting events which enhanced my sense of self-efficacy; the frequent communication between my school teachers and parents during their divorce, which insured we received additional attention and care safeguarding against the impact of their divorce; and my father being a member of the patrolling team in the neighbourhood created a safer environment for me to grow up in.
Exosystem
The exosystem refers to the communal setting or organisation beyond the person’s immediate experience, both formal and informal, that influence the developing person (Hook, 2009). Common exosystems evident in my childhood include: my father working overseas for many months at a time which caused considerable conflict within the family; deficient municipality services in my hometown which left us without water and electricity on numerous occasions; and the district police and neighbourhood watch working together to increase the responsiveness to crime and violence in my hometown, which made me feel safe and secure in my neighbourhood.
Macrosystem
The macrosystem encompass the overarching ideology, principles, laws, policies, and customs of a given culture (Keenan, 2002). Common macrosystems evident in my childhood include: my Christian faith which influenced how I relate and respond to the outside world; the ongoing racism in South Africa which made me feel incredibly unwelcome in my own country; and the culture of violence and crime in South Africa which limited my freedom to move around, making me increasingly distrustful of others.
Chronosystem
The chronosystem explains that probability, personal choice, and context influence members differently over time, and that lives are linked and families constituted by social interdependence (Elder, 1995). Common chronosystems evident in my childhood include: the divorce of my parents which left me feeling vulnerable and isolated; my father remarrying which caused considerable division and hostility among family members; and my mother emigrating to Australia, which left me feeling isolated, and deprived of the emotional support I needed as a child.
Importance of Understanding Context for Training Counsellors
The effects of Apartheid impacted all South African citizens; however it did so in very dissimilar ways (Bray et al., 2010). Families classified as African experienced the most pernicious effects, seeing that both physical and psychological integrity of family life were undermined through the Apartheid state policies (Bray et al., 2010). As pointed out by Arredondo (1999), people bring to counselling worldviews and connections that are subjected to these types of experiences, which influences the person’s attitude and belief about both self and others.
For this reason, South African counsellors need to work in a counselling modality that makes provision for the acknowledgement and appreciation of Black clients’ common history of White oppression, the resentment this generates, the counsellor’s own response to that antipathy, and the impact this has on the counselling relationship (Spangenberg, 2003).
Traditional African custom and belief play a significant role in defining psychological problems (Juma, 2011). The corporal complaints, behavioural symptoms, emotional problems, hallucinations and misfortunes reflect the relation with African worldviews on health and well-being (Juma, 2011). The implication of this conclusion is that a Western based counsellor in a therapeutic relationship with a client whose psychological problems are informed by traditional beliefs and practices, might misinterpret the client’s worldviews and unduly struggle to provide a relevant diagnosis and intervention for the client (Juma, 2011).
Important considerations in determining what types of treatment might work best in a given situation entails the client’s context and perspective, as it emanates from their cultural heritage, socio-economic status, and racial assemblage (Austin, 2012). Where the Western perspective relies heavily on talking therapy, the African traditional perspective takes the liability of resolving the problem away from the client by performing rituals, which occasionally involves family members, both alive and deceased (Juma, 2011). One therefore cannot ignore the important role of traditional healing when addressing cross-cultural counselling, as this form of support plays a vital role in traditional African life (Bodibe, 1992; Swartz, 1998).
In addition, respecting the client’s culture should embrace aspects such as; making or avoiding eye contact, who should sit, stand, or walk first, and how a woman should converse with a man and vice versa (Du Toit, Grobler & Schenck, 1998). It is also important for trained counsellors to examine their own worldviews and cultural biases that have the potential to influence the therapeutic environment, either consciously or unconsciously (Du Toit et al., 2001).
In the South African context, a major hindrance in the way of effective counselling is the language difference between counsellor and client (Spangenberg, 2003). According to Maiello (1990), words do not have equal value in African cultures as in verbal communication in Western traditions. In addition, a great deal of communication in African tradition is symbolized through singing, dancing, rituals and ceremonies (Maiello, 1990).
One of the implications of this is a possible disruption in communication between the counsellor and client, with the result that the establishment of rapport, being the primary step in building a therapeutic relationship, is greatly affected (Juma, 2011). Juma (2011) warns that the lack of proper understanding of the client’s use of language may lead the counsellor to unduly regard some behaviour or experiences as pathological, and to the incorrect diagnosis of their clients’ condition.
There is evidence that a person’s cultural background influences every facet of infirmity experience, from linguistic arrangement and content of delusions (Karno & Jenkins, 1993) to the inimitable meaning of expressed emotion (Kleinman, 1988). Therefore, it is crucial to regard the cultural background of individuals as well as their exposure to cultural change, in order to develop accurate inferences of pathology and to recognize existing disorders (Westermeyer & Janca, 1997).
In the traditional African worldview, Ubuntu constitute an intrinsic part of rural African life (Spangenberg, 2003). Broodryk (1996) defined ubuntu as a communal way of life that believe humanity must be run for the sake of all, requiring collaboration, sharing, and liberality. A client rooted in this approach, seeking the services of a Western based counsellor is likely to be disgruntled when such a counsellor focuses on him/her as a target of intervention instead of focussing on the system (Juma, 2011).
Bronfenbrenner (1979) argues that to understand human development one needs to examine multi-person systems of interaction that are not limited to a single setting. Consequently, counsellors must recognise the impact on the whole family system when a member suffers from a mental disease.
In these circumstances, responsible members are faced with many challenges including: the implications of the emotional and practical support needed for the client; their own complex emotional reactions to the situation; the impact on interpersonal relations; the financial burden placed on family members; and ultimately the stigma and social discrimination experienced in that given cultural context (Jonker & Greef, 2009).
Distinctiveness of the South African Context
Socio-cultural advances in psychology, as demonstrated by the works of Vygotsky and Bakhtin, provides the necessary tools to critically explore the notion that psychological processes such as self-understanding emanate from the social basis of life (Mkhize, 2004).
Vygotsky argued that ontogenesis proceed from social, cultural and historical forms of life (Mkhize, 2004). Therefore, higher mental function are arbitrated by cultural tools, namely, the forms of life that is reflected in activities such as plays, hymns, and cultural narratives, which are ultimately internalised to govern our own actions (Mkhise, 2004).
By means of internalisation, the developing child learns to apply with respect to himself the same forms of behaviour that others previously performed with deference to him/her (Mkhize, 2004). This will contribute to the distinctiveness seen in the South African context given that internalisation paves a way for the manifestation of personhood from the collective forms of life (Mkhize, 2004). However one needs to consider that what can be said of a given developmental environment today may not necessarily be true of that environment tomorrow (Hook, 2009).
Bakhtin noted a dialogical interaction between national languages in the sense that one language may be used at home, a different one in school, and perhaps even another for religious purpose (Mkhize, 2004). Moreover, Bakhtin observed that within a single national language there might subsist a number of social languages, suggestive of the social placement of the speaker (Mkhize, 2004).
Furthermore Bakhtin referred to what he called collective voices, pointing to the opinions, points of view and perceptions that reflect the views of our social and cultural community (Mkhize, 2004). For example, a man who considers himself superior to women is most probably ventriloquating the patriarchal views in his society which he has consolidated into the self, apart from expressing his inimitable point of view.
The belief that the self emanates from kinship is consistent with the African conceptions of personhood (Mkhize, 2004). Let us consider the saying: Umuntu ngumuntu ngabatu. This expression points to the belief that the selfhood emerges dialogically, through participation in a community of other human beings (Mkhize, 2004).
In addition, selfhood in conventional African thought is conceptualised in space and time, where the person is perpetually in the making, never truly a finished product (Mkhize, 2004). It is through participation in the community of others, which in some cultures include rituals of conversion, that one becomes fully human (Mkhize, 2004).
The plurality of selves articulated in African belief is expressed differently, depending on the individuals’ cultural heritage (Mkhize, 2004). For example, most traditional South African communities believe over and above the unique individual self, that people are born with a spiritual being representing their ancestors. The spiritual self is thought to be more pronounced in those called to become traditional diviners and healers i.e. izangoma (Mkhize, 2004).
Furthermore, it is recognized that both native and Western worldviews can coeval within a single person (Mkhize, 2004). A need to continually shift self perspectives already characterizes the lived experiences of many African people (Mkhize, 2004). For example, an elderly man who works as a sweeper in the mines may be a highly esteemed headman in his rural community.
The quality of relationships is maintained in part by reference to and use of cultural norms governing social interaction that have emerged from particular community standards, regulating social interaction that have stemmed from respective community histories (Bray et al., 2010). The isiXhosa word ukuhlonipha, to respect, describe what is considered an essential element of interpersonal relationships, especially between generations, which is widely used by children and adults alike (Bray et al., 2010).
Patriarchy and a broadly accepted gendered social division are common aspects of South African communities across the spectrum of wealth, language and tradition, but manifest in rather different ways both across and within different communities (Guma & Henda, 2004). There is evidence that patriarchal ideology directly influence behaviour, so much so, that male farm-workers vindicated violence against their partners based on their household headship (Paranzee & Smythe 2003; Dawes et al., 2006).
With the feminisation of poverty, women find themselves increasingly vulnerable to HIV infection attributable to the intersection of economic and gender power inequalities (Shefer, 2004). Such dynamics play a significant role in South Africa as cultural laws, financial viability, and gender power disparities all intersect to create barriers for women in the negotiation of heterosex (Shefer, 2004). Furthermore, the imperative for women to be involved in sexual relationships for monetary gain have also been demonstrated (Shefer, 2004). Much of this is subject to the cultural construct of male and female sexuality (Shefer, 2004).
On another note, Emily Fenichel (2003) has observed that young children are growing up in a greater variety of families than ever before. Newborns enter families through birth, adoption, or fostering; they are conceived through intercourse or assisted reproductive technology; they live in families formed by marriage and remarriage, in cohabiting heterosexual families, in lesbian- and gay-headed families, and in single-parent families.
Levels of household income demonstrate a stronger influence on parental residence than race, signifying that the post-apartheid economic landscape wield a stronger influence on family organization than former state policies (Bray et al., 2010). However, Bray et al. (2010) found that African children in low- income households are less likely to reside with one or both parents than coloured children in similar income households, with negligible differences between white and coloured children in households with high income (Bray et al., 2010).
It is important to remember that family members have caring responsibilities that extend beyond the care of dependent children and beyond households. Many family members care for aged parents, frail relatives, adult siblings and offspring during times of social and personal emergency and in conditions of chronic illness and disability (Amoateng et al., 2004). Moreover, many children take on parenting roles to fulfil the place of working parents, parents who are ill, and when families are in crisis (Amoateng et al., 2004).
On a final note, I believe it is important to acknowledge the contribution that migrants from neighbouring and foreign countries make to the diversity seen in the South Africa context.
Throughout this reflective journey I have come to appreciate how each of the five spheres of ecological influence, as captured in Bronfenbrenner’s social ecological theory, have impacted my childhood and consequently development. Upon reflection of the content dealt with in this assignment, the unmistakable importance of understanding the impact of context for training counsellors comes to the light, seeing that a counsellor in a therapeutic relationship with a client whose psychological problems are informed by traditional beliefs and practices, might misinterpret the client’s worldviews and unduly struggle to provide a relevant diagnosis and intervention if they fail to comprehend the client’s unique context.
