Chapter Movement as a New Social Movement

Chapter 2- The Newness of the New Social Movement.

2.1- The Emergence of New Social Movement2.2- The Quandary regarding the Newness of The New Social Movement2.3- Environmental Movement as a New Social Movement in IndiaIn Act 2 Scene 7 of the play ‘As You Like It’ Jacques sounded the very cliché of the canon of Shakespearian plays- All the world’s a stage,And all the men and women merely players;They have their exits and their entrances,And one man in his time plays many parts,His acts being seven ages.The speech is coloured by Jacques cynicism, yet its imaginative power paused us to think about the seven stages of man life and how man’s acts in a different role in each stage of life.

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In fact, it is said that Shakespeare adorned the inscribed motto “Totus mundus agithistrionem” – Latin for “The whole world is a playhouse” at the crest of the entrance of the Globe Theater. Out of much elucidation of this famous dialogue, in 1959 US Publication of the book “The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life” written by famous sociologist Erving Goffman breathed a new life to the famous metaphor ” All the World is a Stage” . Goffman analysis is illuminated through the ambience of a theater.

A theater has two regions- one front stage and another the back stage. In a play the front stage acts as the platform where the actor tries to create a reality, an impression for the audience to consider, while in the back stage a performer prepare him/ her for the role to play in their original form. George Orwell sites this very beautifully by describing how a waiter changes his character by moving ” from the hotel kitchen to the dining room. He said- ‘As he passes the door sudden changes comes over him. The set of his shoulder alter: all the dirt and hurry irritation dropped off in an instant. He glides over the carpet, with a solemn priest like air’.

The front stage is the centre of creation because the Self arises from the performance that an actor elucidates. As Goffman states “The self…is not an organic thing that has a specific location, whose fundamental fate is to be born, to mature and die; it is a dramatic effect arising diffusely from a scene that is presented” (Cheng & Wagner, 2011, p. 1). ” Goffman analysis suggests that an individual in the immediate presence of others, seeks to control the Impression that others form of him, through Impression management and the Self arises through the very process of Performance. A performance is about making an impression on those for asserting that we are who we pretend to be. This performance is not always render by a single actor, but also through team work were their task is also to create a reality in a social setting.

The presentation of the Self must be adopted to the specific expectation formed by the audience presented at any given time. The Self image must be adapted to the changing situation because different situation adheres different audiences with different expectations. Different situation creates a different frame of understanding and definition of ‘what is going’ and the identity of those present in the situation. Goffman famous dictum on Frame states that – ‘Frames1 are the instruments by which we infer “what is going on” with the caveat that they are under constant revision based on new occurrences and unexpected actions by others’. In a more elaborated manner Snow and Benford explained the resonance of Frame by stating- Frames enable individuals to locate, perceive, identify and label occurrences and selectively punctuate and encode objects, situations, events, experiences and sequences of actions within one’s present and past environment (Johnston ; Noakes, 2005, p.188).

Every actor crafted the impression of Self in the backdrop of a defining Frame reflecting the Society at that time, which also governs the events and the subjective involvement with it. In the famous tragedy play- The Tragedy of Othello- The Moor of Venice, Shakespeare created the plot, character and the frame depicting the Savage of Racism which was imbedded in the soil of 17th century Europe. In Act I, Scene I Shakespear connive- BRABANTIO- Why, wherefore ask you this?IAGO- Zounds,sir, you’re robb’d; for shame, put on your gown;Your heart is burst, you have lost half your soul;Even now, now, very now, an old black ram Is topping your white ewe. Arise, arise;Awake the snorting citizens with the bell,Or else the devil will make a grandsire of you:Arise, I say.In 17th century Racism was seen as a part of public life. The ‘Moor’ on Shakespeare time referred to any person with dark or black skin, including black Africans.

Several references in the play seem to describe Othello as a black African. But no matter what his success cannot surpass the color of his skin and he being a foreigner. It was this features that segregated Othello as an outsider in Venice. An exotic figure who, while being admired and valued for his military prowess,more often provoked curiosity, fear, and even hatred. These same feelings toward Africans were probably shared by the members of Shakespeare’s audience. To the English of Shakespeare’s time, Africans were strange and foreign enemies of Christianity, given to the heathen practice such as witchcraft and wodo.

In the literature of the time,they were invariably portrayed as villains. The Africans who came to England were viewed with suspicion and hostility. Othello isolation from the Venetian society and marked as a foreigneer was quintessentially created by the colour he bores. The public associated ‘blackness’ with sin while ‘white’ was seen as a mark of purity. Although Queen Elizabeth granted the Moors “full diplomatic recognition” out of gratitude for their help in conquering Spain. But in 1601 she deported them, citing concerns about their irregular behavior and a fear that allowing them to stay in England would lead to overpopulation.

Blacks were not typically associated with slavery at that time, since the slave trade would not be fully established until the late 17th century. Instead, the Elizabethan idea of of the dark-skinned reflecrs his lust foe sexuality, temper, magical power and force. In 1596, Queen Elizabeth I issued an edict against these unlucky foreigners, reading as follows: “Her Majesty under-standing that several black moors have lately been brought into this realm, of which kind of people there are already too many here . . . her Majesty’s pleasure therefore is that those kind of people should be expelled from the land ( Othello, The Moor of Venice. 2005, p.

18) .”Shakespeare in the play depicted Othello as a powerful hero with nobility in its character quite contrary to the existed outlook toward racism in England. But The racial divide between Othello and Desdemona is portrayed in intentionally shocking language where: Shakespeare Hall In calling Othello ‘Barbary horse’ and ‘black ram’, Iago associates carnality and animality with Othello and blackness. Yet, as much as Iago’s rhetoric, and Othello’s own later self-construction, makes Othello carnal, exotic or monstrous, he is also human and sympathetic, vulnerable to Iago’s machinations partly because his difference makes him an easy target (Shakespeare Study tool, n.

d)).Brabantio, Othello, Desdemona, Igao, Roderigo, Cassio, Emilia and other actors of the play portray a Self, an Impression of the character toward the spectators in a definite Frame of Society, illustrating the the act of maintaining the difference between a native and a foreigner based on Race ( as one of the criteria) in the then Elizabeth England .The turn of Othello from a heroic, noble Moor to a vengeful and villainous Moor was the blotch of the society that surrounded him. In Act 5 Scene 2 Othello states before killing the purity and beauty of Desdemona.Yet I’ll not shed her blood;Nor scar that whiter skin of hers than snow,And smooth as monumental alabaster.

Yet she must die, else she’ll betray more men.Put out the light, and then put out the light:If I quench thee, thou flaming minister,I can again thy former light restoreAs it is said “Change is the only constant of life”, we witness another Act set in the backdrop of post- industrial time- 1950, 1960s and 1970. ” Here the time has changed and so does the depiction of the Self by the actor change its shade.

The time mirror the rapid economic expansion of the 1950s and 1960s and the redistributive policies of the welfare state which secured a level of prosperity capable of satisfying basic human needs. But the delivery of economic security itself brought problem with it. The morass of bureaucracies and formal organizations designed to implement the welfare state and maintain economic growth began to ‘expropriate the capacities of societal actor to organize their own spheres of social production autonomously’.

In other word the state control reached beyond the productive sphere, into the areas of consumption, services and social relation (Paul, Ernst & Kier , 1990,p. 446 ). Jurgen Habermas described this phase as ‘Colonization of the Life World’2 by which privatized life world which focuses upon the family and upon consumption combined with an adherence to at least some traditional values. Under the ages Of Capitalism, individual loses the it own sphere and the intrusion of the state is seen forth as an actuality of life. The intrusions in the life world in the form of colonization result in regulation of not only economic and political transactions, but also those concerning identity formation” Habermas suggested that the relationship of a client to the welfare state is a model case for this colonization of the life world, in that the welfare state monetarizes and bureaucratizes life world relationships as it controls the extent and kind of spending on welfare policy to fit the imperatives of money and power.

Habermas locates new social movement as the seams between system and life world. It acts as a defense of the life world against the colonizing intrusion of the system and sustains the role of normative consensus rooted in communicative rationality that has been evolving within this sphere throughout the process of societal modernization. For Habermas New Social Movement are less about material reproduction and more about cultural reproduction, social integration and socialization.( Buechler, 2011, p.185)”Alberto Melucci argued this same phenomenon in a more different strand. He argues that in the post- modern world new forms of social control, conformity pressures and information processing to which new social movement respond.

The movements are triggered by new sites of conflict that are interwoven with everyday life; the conflict itself involves symbolic codes, identity claims and personal claims. The new social movements mirror the peculiarity of the modern form of power that resides behind the rationality of administrative procedures. Melucci states that the changing pace of the modern society, plurality of membership and abundance of messages all combines to weaken traditional point of reference and source of identity thereby creating homelessness of identity. The major accomplishment of new social movement is an ongoing process rather than as a unitary empirical object, given or essences or historical personages acting on stage (Buechler, 1995,p. 446 ). The politics, economy and the society of 1950s, 1960s and 1970s created the background for the actor to impersonate the Self toward the audience in more collective form under the banner of ‘New Social Movement’, emanating the call of the society to defend its identity from the from the intrusion of a power who have the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force.

Goffman never tried to introduce an individual as an isolate, autonomous being, rather he highlighted how the structure of the society affect the portray and idealization of Self by an individual. When the actor plays his/ her role in the front stage, the prime motive lies in persuading the audiences to believe in the character they are portraying. The Self is an image casted by the social arrangement of the time. It is the social control which mold the self that reside. The act of the Self in a more collective form highlighted the different shades of the New Social Movement to make an impression on the audiences. So that they believe in the accredited reality of the society which acted as the ground for the genesis of New Social Movement.

2.2- The Quandary regarding the Newness of The New Social MovementWhen a light passes through the Prism it gets diffracted into 7 colours of various shades. These 7 colours have their own wavelength and intensity.

But they all expound the fact that colours were not produced by the prism. Rather, it merely separated the colours which were already composed in the White light. In much a similar fashion all characters of the New Social Movement are not something that was produced.

But it was separated, expounded and was given a new facet in the New Social Movement. The Old boundary between Private and Public life- New Social Movement crosses over to those areas which were often shunned behind the veil of private affair are now making their mark as an issue capable of mobilizing collective action. Wife battering by the husband was considered a matter of private affair since the sexuality of a wife was the property of her husband. But new social movement has contested such patriarchal understanding. They have stated that Wife battering is not a private affair, rather it is a crime not only on the victim, but also on the ‘right to life’ of each woman in the society. The New Social movement provided the platform of creating a new identity, new resistance, new values and independence of the society that exist around us. ” The Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) movement in Ahmedabad led by Ela Bhatt, which was a sort of pioneering women’s trade union movement that began in 1972, was a landmark in the history of the contemporary women’s movement.

Women involved in various trades in the informal sector were brought together by their shared experiences such as lower earnings, harassment at home, harassment by contractors and the police, poor work conditions, non-recognition of their labor (Desouza, 2009, p. 82). 2- Subject position-Moufee main thesis lies with the understanding that men are not subjected to the participation in a single identity and identity is not a homogenous factor. Each individual has multiple subject position which corresponding to different social relation an individual is inserted to.

He states that- every agent occupies multiple subject position and constructed by a discourse. It is not a communitarian perspective of identity that determines everything. The subjective position of an individual can never be finally fixed; it is provisional and often precariously constituted at the intersection or nodal point of various discourses.The essentiality of New Social Movement creates the platform which represents the multiplicity of subject position of a single agent.

It stood against the homogenization of identity and gave a call for automatization of various subject positions of an individual. The development of democratic struggle can be seen as not only articulation of differential, struggle of several subaltern groups, but also the struggle for democratization of several multiple subject positions that one beholds. ” In the environmental struggle the focus not only lies with the protection of bio- diversity.

But also a movement against ethnic, racial, political and economic discrimination of the victimized class. In another way Moufee explained that the whole process of massification of social life by the media in the post industrial world aimed at creating a homogeneous way of life. The multiplication of subject position aimed at breaking down the process , thereby creating of different sites of struggle with a challenge is to reaffirm the right to be differentiated in the society. It is more about the struggle for autonomy of these different subject positions.

New Social Movement has presented much about the politicization of social life and that the reason it is said- personal is political. It has shattered the closed and the homogeneous idea of politics. As Foucualt stated on the nature of New Social Movement- are struggling which question the status of the individual: on the one hand, they assert the right to be different and they underline everything which makes individuals truly individual.

On the other hand, they attack everything which separates the individual, breaks his links with others, split up the community lifeforces the individual back on himself and ties him to his own identity in a constraining way.. they are struggles against the government of individuality . They are opposition to the effects of power which linked with knowledge, competence and qualification: struggles against the privileges of knowledge. But they are also an opposition against secrecy, deformation and mystifying representations imposed on people . . .

What is questioned is the way in which knowledge circulates and functions, its relations to power. … the main objective of these struggles is to attack not so much “such and such an institution or power, or group, or elite, or class, but rather a technique, a form of power” (Dreyfus & Rainbow, 1993,p. 781 ).

3- Class- The concept class in very simple term means – a group of people sharing similar social position and somewhat similar economic, political and cultural characteristics. This class issue in the New Social Movement can be dealt from two sides. One where the focus of understanding the issue is from an economic standpoint.

While on the other hand, we try to understand the same issue from a theoretical standpoint. ” First, from an economic outlook, the class composition of a New Middle Class reflects the changing class stratification of the Western Society in the post- industrial world where the tertiary services and self- employment made a head way. As Andre G Frank placed in his article- that the grievances about ecology, peace, women’s right, community organization and identity, seems to be felt and related to demands for justice predominantly among the middle class in the West. However, ethnic, national and some religious movement straddles class and social strata more. In the minority movement, such as, Black Civil Right and the Latin Chicano Movements in United State of America do have a substantial popular base. Though much of the leadership and much of the demands come from the middle class. Only nationalist chauvinism and perhaps fundamentalist religiosity seem to mobilizes working class and some minority people more massively than their often nonetheless, middle class leadership” (Frank & Fuentes, 1987, p.

1507). ” But the character of New Social Movement in the Third World is different. The base of the movement is predominantly the working class because of much deprivation, injustice which falls on them due to the world economic crisis. The movements fostered by them reflect their struggle for the survival of their identity, self- empowerment and their rights of equality. The Naxalbari Movement of 1967 was a tribal uprising where the Naxal tried to form a multi class political platform involving social group with contradictory class interest and to establish a national democratic regime as a step toward fulfilling its ultimate socialist goal. One of the primary differences that lie between Maoism and Naxalbari Movement3 is the fact that while Maoism struck the emotional chord with the tribal population.

The Naxalbari Movement moved its gravity towards the urban and semi- urban areas and drew support from the educated middle class youth. But this diversion of the gravity, leading to the consolidation of two trends which crippled the movement. On one hand the urban based leadership cloaked in more sophisticated ideology, superior knowledge and status with regard to the manner in which the movement to be conducted. On the other hand the co-opted indigenous leadership that followed the principle of democratic consultation at every level of the organization before arriving at a decision. While the first trend in ‘elitist leadership’ that Charu Majumder consolidated by developing a centralized organization with concentration of power at the top, Kanu Sanyal –led rural wing of the leadership sought to democratize the organization by meaningfully involving the activist at various levels of leadership.

The movement lost much of its momentum due to division among leader and confusion among follower (Chakraborty, 2014, p. 146-147 ). ” But even in Third World Countries , New Social Movemnet do reflect a middle class base both in its composition, value and, demands . The glaring example is the student protest that happened in L.D College of Engineering Gujrat in 1973 will render the above stated statement.

The Students agitation started over the issue of 20% hike in hostel food bill. The agitation spilled on the streets and turning out into a movement against corruption, black marketing, food scarcity, and social condition worsened by high inflation. The student movement called Nav Nirman saw increased participation of middle class, women and the influence of a very famous person J.P Narayan.

The spirit of the movement rocked Gujarat, leading to riot, police oppression and dissolution of Gujarat Assembly. The movement led to another movement in Bihar and finally leading to the macabre of Emergency rule by Mrs Indira Gandhi. So the New Social Movement of the Third World does reflect a middle class base in their leadership and composition. Often these middle class intelligentsia, professional, teachers, priest who offer their services as leader, adviser in the social movement are known as ‘ organic intellectuals’ only because they get organically allied with the common people in their ideological leanings and practical actions. The idea of Class composed a larger theoretical stand and its relation with New Social Movement from a theoretical stand will be dealt with the Second point.

The main distinct feature of New Social Movement that it challenge the dominant cultural codes which attempt to standardized experiences in differentiated complex societies via the establishment of mass market, as well as call into question the implementation of goals which have been decided by an anonymous impersonal power” (Martin, 2015, p. 67-70). Women Movement, Tribal Movement or Marginalized groups Movement involves more than the affirmation of new rights and the demand for equality. It also claims the importance of difference, the need for alternative codes which demand recognition. Their voices demand their right to be recognized as different. Eder in this milieu places his idea of understanding class, where he separates between class and collective action and the relative independence of collective action and class structure. He seeks a middle ground between New Social Movement and middle class.

He states that although Class cannot provide sufficient ground for understanding the rise and fall of a social movement, but it has the effect on collective action. it is a social construction and cannot fully direct a movement. For him New Social Movemnet reveals antagonistic norms and values rather than an act of collective action. Touraine view social conflict is inseparable from cultural orientation and it involves conflict where actor refuses to succumb to the apparatuses that deny their self- affirmation, the identity that belongs to one in the name of society or common good. But more adherence to identity can narrow down the movement and remove its essence.

The New Social Movement acts as a platform bringing out various colours of the society it should recognize the plurality of various actors, their values and ideas which stand against the dominant and prevailing cultural values and institutional rules. The Occupy Wall street movement which had its preponderance in American politics in 2011 with its catchphrase ” We are 99%” unmasked the reality of the gigantic sophisticated structure of Capitalism in United State of America. Even if the movement was scattered, but it was able to bring out a large mass of people into the public realm questioning, pressuring and initiating different policies by their accountable agent. But the question arises whether the phrase “We are 99%” was reflected in the composition of the tone of the movement. The dominant phrase of the Occupy movement highlighted two main things- first- the vast economic disparity where 1% of the rich elite hold 40% of the total wealth of the society and 99% are the impoverish section of the society who faces the harsh reality of the disparity of capitalism.

Secondly, it mirrored out the power in numbers who questions the government whose accountability and continuation lies with the citizens of America. But the Occupy movement failed to reflect the solidarity of the working class in its protest march who are the most sufferer of the structure of Capitalism in America. A profile of the movement found that the typical protester was young, white, better educated, and more affluent than the typical resident of New York City. Nearly one in four were students, and the most actively involved protesters were disproportionately youthful. The Occupy has awakened this popular consciousness that the existing political and economic institutions are illegitimate, that they don’t actually represent or reflect people, the democracy that belongs to them.

It wants new political structures and relationships, while simultaneously stating a rejection of the dominant ideology and institutions. In a much deeper theoretical stand the issue of Class in New Social Movement has been dealt in three broad camps- first the ‘New Class ‘ theory who primarily argue that the New Social Movement pursue distinctively the interest of the middle class. According to them the movements of the post 1960 are shaped by class not through some abstract collective interest in wealth, resources or opportunities, but through class culture. The actors, value, issues and modes of action identified by New Social Movement are seen as a direct expression of middle –class culture.

The issue of personal identity is central to the New Social Movement so as with the middle class in general. These movements seek to establish a new form of identity as a legitimate option in society. The movement’s goal extends middle class developmental process which requires individuals to choose an identity through that they define their work and position in society” (Fred, 1997, p.

483). Secondly the ” New Social Movement’ theory stands in oppose to the ‘New Class’ theory by placing the argument that New Social Movement is a call against the encroachment of economy into cultural sphere rather than acting as a narrow platform for the fulfillment of middle class interest. Applying Habermas, concept of ‘Colonization of life- world’ they seek to explain that the encroachment into social sectors, consumption, and social relations is caused by the growing needs of capitalism to control not only labour power but also complex organizational systems, information’s, process of symbol formations and interpersonal relations. Rather than class interest, this movement seeks new form of community to replace the ‘ formal abstract and instrumental relationships characterizing state and society’. In a crux they see these movements as responses to new development in the organization of capitalism rather than political expressions of existing middle class interests, they are able to examine divergent responses within different segments of the middle class” (Fred, 1997,p. 467-469 ). ” Thirdly the ‘Cultural Shift’ theory proposes that the New Social Movement represents a change in values due to the growing wealth of the society.

Ronald Inglehart’s proposes that the New Social Movement as a defensive reaction against the encroachment of invasive capitalism and as an arena for positive affirmation of new values resulting from growing affluence. Capitalist development is viewed as a positive rather than negative process. A growing share of the population in industrialized countries is being liberated from preoccupation with economics and survival and shifting attention towards the search for personal meaning and quality of life.

He even argues that the middle- class movements may have always taken similar forms because of their relative affluence” (Fred, 1997, 470-471). ” But the question lies that – What does the realty hold? Is it acceptable to bind New Social Movement as an arena reflecting the interest of the Middle class? Or Is New Social Movement a much wider platform representing the interest of different sections of populationsin the post- industrial society? Class is a framework, a structural position within the hierarchy of the society which creates our consciousness, thought, perceptions, ideas, culture and our identity as an individual or collective being. Every movement reflects the class background of the participant who voices out their demand even if those demands are not aligned along class lineage.

In any Social Movement the act of Movement Activism do render a uniformity across classes because they are based on the same criteria of developing collective identity, solidarity, the understanding of any situation as unjust, and by attaining a sense of efficacy about change. What makes a Movement differ from one another is the factor strategy where classes have its impression. The working class tends to approach any social change through organizing around immediate and perceived interest because they live in an enforced authority. But the professional middle class whose life is regulated by internalized norms, ambitions and responsibility they tend to see the movements as an attempt to educate many values. So while the working class tends to divert their attention toward immediate economic and social interest of the member, the professional middle class addressed universal goods that are non economic. The Class factor cannot define the content of the individual interest because such action will narrow down a Social Movement, thereby affecting its appeal to wider mass, its preponderance and its recognition as a platform to voice out the demand of the victimized individuals. The Class can define the form of a Social Movement but not the content of individual interest (Fred, 1997, p.

481). New Social Movement developed partly in response to what was considered to be an out modeled style of class analysis. The strictly class contradiction of industrial society was insufficient to describe the multiple and diverse social conflict of post- industrial society. Escobar states that the ‘mosaic form, of collective action is so diverse that one can even doubt whether a single label can encompass them all’ (Foweraker, 1995, p. 36-38 ). The standpoint of understanding New Social Movement by the single label of ‘ Middle Class’ effort in its participation, culture, belief, ideas, values, strategy, form and structure- is one of the most contentious claim that need to be dealt from a more reasonable stand.

The Middle Class section of the society is itself a heterogeneous segment and New Social Movement challenges some of the tenets of middle – class society and is not always a simple extension of middle class power. The example that can enumerate the fact lies with –The history of struggle for the Democratization of South Korea in 1960 . The movement and the rise of civil society was primarily an effort of the working class, intellectuals, students, Christian organization and women. Rather than the understood work of the Middle Class section of South Korean Society.

In fact the socio- economic and political transformation in South Korea can best be understood by looking into the close interaction between working class, students, intellectuals, women’s and segment of middle class , rather than referring it as an act of a single class of the society. The export oriented industrialization of South Korea, which began in 1960 brought profound changes in the Korean class structure. Prior to this industrial phase, South Korea was predominantly an agrarian based society.

But the export- oriented industrialization brought a huge migration of workers from rural to urban sector whereby 1 out of 5 working men remain on farms. One of the important factors that facilitated the export- oriented industrialization was the a strong , organized labour union leading to the development of atomized labour with no organization and cultural resources to secure a decent position in the new industrial sector. By the late- 1960s labour conflict started occurring as a spontaneous and unorganized form against the dehumanizing, mistreatment and poor working conditions of the export- oriented industry. The immolation of a young sweet shop,a tailor named Chun Tai II in 1970 was a dramatic instance of the spontaneous and unorganized defensive pattern of labour struggle.

This incident led the intellectual community to glimpse at the exploitative working condition of the workers under the flowering economic growth of South Korea. Two groups supported this struggle of the working class. First, the Christian organization, who took advantage of their intellectual network and provided guidelines and shelter for labour activist. They even organized a night school and small group activities where the workers were able to share their experiences in order to develop an identity and solidarity among themselves. In fact, it was under their shadow that the first Grass-root Union was formed.

The women composed a majority of the section of the grass-root movement in 1970 and 1980s. By 1980s the Church influence on the labour organization has declined and the working class struggle became more intimated with a wider struggle against the Authoritarian state of South Korea. The students joined the movement as a force standing against the authoritarian rule of the state. An important linkage developed between the ‘Workers’ grass- root union movement and the political democracy led by the students, intellectuals, church leaders and dissent politician. This linkage developed against the background of a state driven policy. The policy forestall any independent union movement outside the government controlled union structure, so as to prevent the development of labour and the opposition movement.

In fact the Korean state labour control had been more repressive than the corporatist. The middle class were fervently involved in the democratization movement led by the intellectuals, students and opposition leaders. The participation of a large number of white – collar workers and other middle class in the massive uprising in June 1987 demonstrated the role of the new middle class in the democratic movement. The active labour movement that developed during the liberalization period was not only confined to the industrial workers, It did viewed the organization of unions of the white collar workers who were employed in service sectors.

But the white collar movement were not primarily concerned with economic development like the blue collar workers. Rather, their aim was broader political and social issues. In fact the white collar men were more interested with the democratization of the workplace, since they suffered despotic managerial control, extra long hour work and lack of job security. The students and intellectuals who played a vanguard role in democratization struggle pushed for reunification of the country and political change of the land. Now if we summarize the role of the middle class in the democratic struggle,then a variant picture strikes up. ” First, the character of the middle class varied through different phases of the political transition and among different segments of the middle class.

The middle class as a whole and the segments of the intellectuals and white collar in particular played an important role in pressurizing the authoritarian regime and creating a platform for the democratization process. But in the course of the transition the middle class role tended to become polarized in their response to the changing political and economic. In the face of the rising labour unrest and political instability the majority of the petty bourgeoisie and the new middle class gradually shifted to the side of the moderation and stability, while politicized intellectuals and those white collars in blocked- mobility career acted continuously as a progressive force for democratization. Secondly, the idea of democracy speckled for each and every class of members in the movement.

The working class was mobilized for economic democracy while the majority of managerial and professional workers and petty bourgeoisie were mainly concerned with political democracy. But the segment of the middle class was deeply interested in transforming the society, not just the polity, so as to obtain social democracy in the workplace and in all arenas of social life. Thirdly, each phase of the movement varied with a particular segment of the middle class. The first phase of the movement was influenced by the core middle class (upper middle class and small property owners).

If politicized students and intellectuals played the most active role in the pre-liberalization period, after liberalization, it was the blue collar worker and white collar production worker in the service sector that mobilized the democratic struggle. The role of the middle class was complex and variable because of the heterogeneity that existed within the class and the altering representation of various segments of the middle class in different phase of the democratic movement in South Korea” (Luigi, 2002, n.d). ” So Class is a variable for analyzing a movement, but it cannot be the identity of a movement. Social Movement reflects the Social Conflict rather than binding itself to reflect the Class structure of a Society.

A Social Movement do reflects the plurality of the subject position and the age of mature Capitalism the demand for changes not only originate from the economic sphere, but also from private sphere which is much away from the exploitative venture of the system. While analyzing the Social Movements of Latin America Escobar rightly stated- “the mosaic form, of collective actions is so diverse that one even doubt whether a single label can encompass them all” (Foweraker, 1995, p. 38-39). 4- Area of Contestation – ” New Social Movement reflected the dictionary of the postmodern time.

Jameson in his work ‘Postmodernism, or the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism’, used the painting of Van Gogh shoe and Andy Warhole’s painting ‘ Diamond Dust Shoe’ to mark out the difference between modernism and postmodernism. Van Gogh painting reflected, as Heidegger states- the whole missing object world which was once living context. In very simple terms it reflected the agricultural misery, rural poverty and the peasant toil thereby reflecting the brutal social relation and condition that existed in relation to that time. Jameson typifies postmodern art depicting a random collection of dead objects hanging together on the canvas like so many turnips, as shorn of their earlier life world as pile of shoes left over from Auschwitz or the remainders and token of some incomprehensible and tragic fire in a packed dance hall”(Niall, 2015, n.

d)). Capitalism reflected the commodification of virtually all spheres of life. A Subject is created by the discourse of a definite time. The culture of Late Capitalism creates the identity, sense, class, gender and position of the subject in the dominant discourse. In late capitalism the discourse of consumption takes the central ideological position in capital accumulation and social regulation.

As Computer based technology replaces the mass of physical labour once required for production, the critical requirement to continuously expand commodity consumption in order to maintain demand worldwide takes on a new urgency. At the same time the type of commodity consumes also changes. Consumer society defines who we are. The desire of the subject is created by the market. ” But if Power exercisation by late capitalism creates a subject who is subjected to the seduction of the market and commodified its desires, then where does Resistance arises against the Power of the massive cultural onslaught. Foucault in his work elucidated the symbiotic relation between Power and Resistance. Resistance acts both as an adversary and potential resource for Power.

Power produces the very thing which comes to resisting it. A Power which creates a group of workers and bringing them together through disciplinary technique, it itself creates the possibility of larger strikes. Resistance does not arise against Power until it is unmasked.

Foucault does not believe that the process of subjectification only produces subject positions that are the “property of the dominant ensemble of power relations”. Power does indeed have a determinate opposite : other forms of power. Power is exercised only when it is able to structure the action of Free subjects.

For example, in the power relation between X and Y – X uses its power to modify the action of Y ; Y uses the power at her disposal to modify the action of X. In this dialectical situation either X’s or Y’s exercise of power can be designated as ‘resistance’, depending upon the perspective from which the power- relation is judged: X can be seen as resisting Y , or Y can be seen as resisting X. Power and resistance are for, Foucault , ontologically correlative terms” (Kevin, 1996, n.

d) . ” In a much different stand this issue has been dealt by Nancy Fraser under the idea of ‘subaltern counter public’ – this are parallel discursive arenas where members of subordinate social groups invent and circulate counter discourse, which in turn permits them to formulate oppositional interpretations of their identities , interests and needs. Oskar Neget and Alexander Kluge argues that ‘ there is always has been more than one public sphere and that the category is not the exclusive property of bourgeois” (Hill & Montag, 2000, 70-72). Foucault explains this same position through his idea of reversible power mechanism where he uses the idea of Discourse. As Foucault says ” … we must not imagine a world of discourse divided between accepted discourse and excluded discourse, or between the dominant discourse and the dominated one: but as multiplicity of discursive elements that can come into play in various strategies… and with the shifts and reutilizations of identical formulas for contrary objectives that it also includes”.

Gordon also points out that all power mechanism are potentially capable- in certain determinate political contexts- of being utilized counter hegemonically. The invention of the rifle and developments in science of logistics may increase the effectiveness of government soldiers, but both also increases the effectiveness of subversive groups struggling against the government. Resistance is what eludes Power and “as soon as there is Power relation, there is the possibility of resistance” (Kevin, 1996, p.

85). “The charm of Dialectics is omnipotent in each and every transformation that society accepts with time. The modernization of technology, market and development of Late Capitalism do face the contradiction within its own Showground. The large scale unemployment, social diversity, mass consumption and environmental critiques do imply that although subject are produced by the social relation characteristics of a specific social formation, because these relations contain contradiction there is never a perfect fit between the individual subject and social order. Although dominant discursive formation are by definition generally successful in ensuring that subjects internalize a particular world view, nevertheless because ultimately such a view reflects the interest of international capital- for example, contradict many of the material interest of the subordinate people, the grip that dominant discourse have on its subject is imperfect… structural contradiction and their attendant struggles enter the consciousness of the subordinate subject as a disturbance which points to the gap between dominant discourse and the actual material experience and practice of everyday life.

In more subtle sense- the gap between dominant discourse of ‘good mother’ and the actuafFl problematic experience of engaging in ‘mother work” (Peter, 1997, 48-50). The fissure in the Dominant discourse created the ground for the genesis of Counter Discourse which expounded the lacuna in the megalomaniac understanding of Development of Late Capitalism. The new forces of subordination arose in Late Capitalism where we witnessed commodification of social life, homogenization of the variety of social life and expansion of capitalist relation into the very realm of social life. The state was no longer the object of attraction of the movement. Rather the focus area shifted to new areas of politics, finding out an alternative of the generalized belief, values, culture and understanding of late capitalism and expansion of social space thereby bringing cultural issues within its framework. Women Movement is focused on personal, sexual issues, thereby expanding the sphere of the call for a movement from economic and political concern to social and cultural sectors.

“Herbert Marcuse and Jurgen Habermas departed from the vision of bourgeois cultural domination of the proletariat. For them both classes and class consciousness have become fragmented and diffused in late capitalism. Marcuse stressed a form of cultural domination through which the ruling class imposed ‘false consciousness’ of consumerism on the masses through the medium of technology and media. For Habermas, it was the state administrative apparatus to intrude into the cultural life leading to Colonization of the Life World.

In a much wider sense Habermas states that the relationship between a client and the welfare state is a model case of this colonization of the life world where the welfare state uses monetary and burecratization of life world as methods controlling the kind of spreading of the life world. This colonization creates the basic role of an individual due to the arising intersection between private and public life. The New Social movement comes between system and life world, thereby protecting the life world from the chasm of the intrusion of the state as a colonial power.

For Tourine the main threat to Social Movement is the egoism of Utilitarianism consumer society. New Social Movement fights a society where utilitarianism is the dominant cultural pattern and the new ‘opium of the people’ (Uden, 1996, p. 321-323). For Example the 1st Wave of anti-psychiatry movement of the 1960s challenged the way in which psychiatry defined certain problem as ‘mental illness’.

The Anti- psychiatry activist establishes their own self- help group whereby it counters the dominant understanding of the Psychiatry itself. New Social Movement provides the platform for the creation of the autonomous identity or the right to be ourselves visa-a- via the structure, authority and the power5- Methods and its upshot- On 15th August 1947 in the darkness of the night, India received its Independence from the clutches of the Queen of England. The uproar of Bharat against the Colonial Empire showed various colours in the flowing malmsey of the freedom movement, highlighting the politics, economy, society and culture of Indian Society. Out of much stated Indian Freedom Movement leader- Gandhi stood out of the lot as an independent mass leader of its own country. His idea of Satyagraha not only provided a new dimension to the Indian Freedom Movement.

But also touched the life of those parts of the world who were still breathing to gulp the fresh air of Independence. Gandhi explains Saytagraha which is based upon two ideas: (i) Satya or truth and (ii) Ahimsa or non-violence. The essence of Satyagraha Movement is to fight against injustice It is resistance without any acrimony or hatred or injury to the opponent. The sum and substance of Satyagraha is to awaken in the mind of the opponent without hurting them.

It is the weapon of strong, justice, faith – where the war is conducted by means of non- violence and also a perennial means for social transformation. Satyagraha was not merely a concept of Gandhi, but it was a method, to crumble the effigy of the state structure and to navigate a movement towards the path of justice ,truth and independence. New Social Movement in the age of Globalization opened their doors for welcoming an emergent Power that is being configured by the technical out streak of the present age- Mass media. Every Movement has its own technique for publicizing its own necessity, demands and its impetus to create a new time and platform for themselves. In case of New Social Movement, Mass Media surfaced itself as an important mechanism for enlarging the public sphere and also reflecting the malicious Power Politics which in effect is creating another arena of Counter Public Sphere within the society. The very act of Social Movement is not an individual affair, rather the core understanding of Social Movement lies with the idea of the Collectivity.

Charles Tilly in his argument on the concept of Social Movement brought forward an idea which deviated from the previous approach to Social Movement. He stated that- Individual identification with the Movement is a precondition for the formation of collectivity in a Movement. .

Gamson, Manuel Castell, Clay Shirky and others have pushed this responsibility of Mobilization on Media and Information Technology. Gramson stated that movements can reach the audience via the mass media, where it creates a common understanding and knowledge that can be used by social movements to mobilize. Media creates a discourse and provides a Frame for understanding a Movement and to configure its contours in accordance with the flow of the media. Media not only act as a medium to disseminate information to the mass in order to create the platform of collectivity. But rather it acts as a podium where Power is formulated through communicative action. Castell has stated that through horizontal and interactive form of communication a change from mass individual to mass consumption, which thereby creates a new public space for deliberation and debates within the society. In our writing we will explore the Egyptian Revolution of 2011 and uncover the role of media in creating a democratic counter discourse which led to the rattling down of the kakistocracy of Hossain Mubarak regime in Egypt.

“‘The Egyptian Revolution was another thread into the Arab Spring movement which turned the colour of the Middle East from despotism to democracy. In the revolution media played an important role in generating the ecology for the activism and the collectivity of the movement. Middle East scholar Joel Beinin has calculated that there have been approximately three thousand worker-led protests in Egypt over the last decade, indicative of the latent discontent with Mubarak’s regime. Egypt is plagued with a youth-bulge society, unable to provide jobs and benefits for its disproportionately large young demographic. Analysis has shown that in Egypt, unemployment is highest amongst university graduates, a group that is growing quickly and is also the most dependent upon the government for employment.

Combined with an aging autocratic leader, and a regime that was increasingly out of touch with the needs of the Egyptian people, this disenfranchised group began to mobilise. The launch of the Egyptian Movement for Change, also know as the Kefaya Movement, in 2004, serves as a starting point for the mobilisation of activists against the Mubarak regime. The movement was founded by intellectuals demanding political reform and had limited success mobilizing a critical mass of protesters, and found it especially difficult to reach workers. This all changed in 2008, when 27-year old human resources coordinator Esraa Abdel Fattah, who has since been dubbed the Facebook Girl, set up a group on the social networking website calling for participation in the April 6 worker strike that was planned for a textile mill in al-Mahalla al-Kubra in the Nile Delta. The group grew to over 70,000 members, 10% of Egypt’s active Facebook user population at the time. Organized by civil engineer and Kefaya member Ahmed Maher, the strike was protesting the rise in the prices of basic commodities, declining wages, and the fact that even as inflation was becoming an obvious problem, the Egyptian government continued its program of neoliberal privatisation.

April 6th was the day when organizing tool met political reality to create elements that were strong enough to form storm clouds on the regime’s horizon. The result was the formation of a new movement: the April 6 Youth Movement, which has since played a key organisational role in the 2011 protests. It wasn’t until two years later in June 2010, when Facebook made another appearance on the scene of Egyptian political activism. This time, it was to commemorate the death of a young blogger, Khaled Said who was brutally beaten and killed after allegedly posting an incriminating video of police officers. In reaction to his murder, Wael Ghonim, the Middle East marketing director for Google, set up the Facebook page, We Are All Khaled Said, and publicized the gruesome photos of Said’s corpse.

The page quickly attracted 500,000 members and soon became a platform for online discussion and dialogue of shared grievances against the Mubarak regime. Wael Ghonim was soon after arrested by Egyptian state police. The first large-scale protest on 25 January, dubbed the day of rage by protesters took place on Egypt’s National Police Day, a national holiday that commemorates the policemen who lost their lives in the 1952 revolution. For the activists, the Egyptian police force represented repression by the state, the problem of torture and arbitrary arrest symbolizing the corruption and sense of a loss of dignity that cast a shadow over Egyptian society throughout the Mubarak’s presidency. According to Al-Jazeera’s coverage of the 18-day uprising, “protest organizers relied heavily on social media outlets such as Facebook and Twitter to organize this initial protest. On 26 January, protests became heated as security forces used tear gas to dispel demonstrators.

The Egyptian government blocked Facebook in the first act of what would eventually become a full Internet blockade. The following day, demonstrations began in Alexandria and Toukh, led by lawyers, proof that the protests were not limited to just one socio-economic class. On the same day Mohammad El Baradei arrived in Egypt to join the protesters, pledging to lead the transition in Egypt. By the 28th, Internet access had been blocked almost entirely across the country. Terrified of the new tools of Twitter and Facebook, and the uncensored visual media of Frog, Flickr and YouTube, the regime chose to pay the price of millions of lost dollars to the economy in order to deprive protesters of a key weapon- the means of communication. The activists who organized the protests had already predicted this response by the Egyptian government.

Despite the Internet blockade, protesters were able to continue organising demonstrations due to the organisational infrastructure that had already been established. A Facebook event, set up days in advance, received tens of thousands of attendance confirmations and a Google document posted to a Facebook group collected email addresses of the group’s members in case of a blockade. That evening, Mubarak appeared on television, announcing that he had dismissed his entire cabinet, but would be remaining in power. He then proceeded to impose a curfew, to little effect.

On the 31st, an estimated 250,000 people gathered in Tahrir Square as Mubarak continued to express his intentions to remain in power. By the 1st of February, it is estimated that nearly one million protesters had gathered in Tahrir Square, while preparations begin for another protest on the following day. On 3 February, security forces open gunfire on the protesters in Tahrir Square, killing at least five.

Wael Ghonim was released from state custody on 7 February, bringing thousands more into Tahrir, reaching the highest number in the square by the 8th. Finally, on 11 February, President Mubarak steps down from power, passing ruling power to the army” (Storck, 2011,n.d ) The power of media- information, communication, technology not only strengthen the weak ties among different classes of the Egyptian population thereby bring out the solidarity and the power of mob within the movement. But also created a counter discourse tinted by the hullabaloo of the people of Egypt against the hegemonic discourse which was painted by the despotic rule of Mubarak. Jenkins used the term ‘civic media’ which stated that face- to – face engagement through electronic medium creates a participatory culture which have a spillover effect in creating the collectivity within the movement.

Media and technology did exist in earlier movement, but its boundary was substantially limited and the form was primarily restricted within a definite frame and targeting a definite class of audience. In today’s world media has espoused its wing and have gulp, almost every section of society on an international level. Castell refers to this explosive type of information politics as leading to a new king of civil society based on ‘electronic grass rooting democracy’. Additionally, this new type of information sharing potentially offers a new mode of communication that is resistant to state regulation, reducing authority capacity to repress the distribution of political communication and thereby give rise to a new type of civic engagement at grass root level The beauty of a Rainbow lies with its Seven colour , where each and every colour tint the panoramic view of the skyline. In a more materialistic yet similar fashion- each and every character of New Social Movemnet differentiates it from the movements that existed earlier to 1960s and 1970s. The Newness of New Social Movemnet wouldn’t have surfaced itself if each and every character would not have acted as a single feather in the crown. In the analysis of the character of New Social Movement we have kitted out ceratin movements which are marked under the genre of New Social Movement.

Out the movements which are being quoted out- Environment Movement does stand out as a type of New Social Movement. In this section we will explore Environemental Movement in the context of India, in order to understand whether The Land of Snakes and Charms have expanded its knowledge,, understanding , public sphere and uproar of its Democractic citizen in both national and international politics. 2.3- Environment Movement as New Social Movement in IndiaThat though the radiance which was once so bright, be now forever taken from my sight. Though nothing can bring back the hour of splendor in the grass, glory in the flower.

We will grieve not, rather find strength in what remains behind. ———–William WordsworthThe Romanticism arose out of the imagination gap that widened as a mechanistic understanding of the universe took hold., as science and pragmatism increasingly dominated by the foreground of the intellectual middle class. In a more layman language Romanticism was an intellectual and artistic movement that originated in the second half of the 18th century.

It was a reactionary response against the scientific rationalisation of nature which happened during the Enlightenment through its colonization mechanism . It was commonly expressed in literature, music, painting and drama. But it was not simply a response to the rationalism of the Enlightenment. Rather, it was also a reaction against the material changes in society, which accompanied the emerging and expanding industrial Capitalism in the late eighteenth century. In this transition production the condition of centralization molded itself into Cities.

. The factory system of mass production was centred on the processes of usage and controlled natural forces such as water and wind, but also increased power by increasingly using fossil fuels. These processes, combined with the profit motive, degraded and despoiled, as some romantics saw it, the environment (although they would not have used the term).

Cities expanded to unprecedented sizes, and grew into into centres of pollution, poverty and deprivation. This also reflects the act of Colonization of lifeworld as stated by Habermas. According to the romantics, the solution was “back to nature” because nature was seen as pure and a spiritual source of renewal.

Romanticism portrayed the how the serenity of the nature was darkened by the greed of human covet. Out of much contribution done by Romanticism, one of the prominent work is crafting the pedestal for Green Politics. There are four pillars of Green politics- first- Ecological Wisdom- One of the staples of Coleridge’s poems was the idea of being one with nature, which is the precursor to the Green politics theme of Ecological Wisdom. In terms of politics, Ecological Wisdom is to achieve the aim of a harmonious coexistence with other forms of life on Earth, in a term the Nature that surrounds us. Coleridge’s The Nightingale, discusses these attitudes towards nature, and criticises those who project their own attitudes upon it.

‘The Nightingale’ is the tale of Coleridge, Wordsworth and Dorothy Wordsworth, sitting on an “old mossy bridge, admiring the beauty of nature at night. The narrator states man filled all things with himself, meaning that man imposes himself and his feelings into nature, a form of the egotistical sublime, which can be likened to the way man is destroying the Earth. Later in the final stanza, the narrator talks about how he has brought up his infant son to love nature, stating And I deem it wise/To make him Nature’s play-mate.This is a forerunner to the types of attitudes that the Green party wishes to inspire in the young people of today.The Second and third pillar is Social Juustice and Grass Roots democracy- Wordsworth believes in the concept of common language for the common man, which is the predecessor of Green politics ‘pillars’ of social justice and grassroots democracy. These are the ideas of the common man and closer relations with the individual. By using common language, Wordsworth brings poetry to the lowest common denominator.

This is evident in the poem ‘My Heart Leaps Up’, which uses almost childlike language that is easily understood by all. “My heart leaps up when I behold/A rainbow in the sky…”. Wordsworth states “What is a poet? He is a man speaking to men.” The Fourth pillar is Non- violence- Blake in his poem, ‘The French Revolution’ published in 1791, during the years of turmoil in France, Blake discusses the violence and political upheaval.

When mentioning the state of affairs in France, the Blake’s narrator has a bitter tone suggesting that he is against the bloodshed. This theme is exactly what the Green’s political ‘pillar’ of nonviolence is concerned with. Green politics do not advocate war, and they seek peaceful solutions. Critics have hailed the fact that Romanticism failed to balance the oscillation between development and nature and neither were they able to provide the alternative path to development which can muster their call.

If Romanticims acted as the pedestal for creating the consciousness of the symbiotic relation between Man and Nature in the West. Then in the East- in India—it was the Epics,, Philosophy, Mythology, Vedanta, Upanishads, Scriptures, etc, which enlighten the thread of unity between Man and Nature. In Ramayana and Mahabharat the two epics of Indian Culturereflects a close relationship between Man and Nature.

Rama 14 years exile along with his wife Sita and brother Lakshman in the forest,not only pictures their hardship as a common man. But also enlighten the liaison that Rama, Sita and Lakshman develop with their beautiful companion, the splendor of the forest and its flora and fauna. In fact nature has always played its role as a companion even when Sita was abducted by Ravana and put into the Panchvati garden where again the trees wail with Sita for Shri Rama. Much more climatic description can be found in Ramayana and Mahabharata- in Verse 14.6 of Ramayana illustrates mythical the root of atmospheric layers. White, red, blue and gray colours are refered in the epic .

Exhaustive insulation and high temperatures as an agency of obliteration or diffusion off the existing clouds spoken of in Ramayana. “A scrutiny of the Vedic literature illuminates the symbiotic relation between man and nature. The Rig Vedic outlook of one is that which manifest in all, can be comprehend in the contemporaray ecological term as ‘ everything is associated to everything else. Climatic activities like insulation, evaporation, moisture, clouds and rainfall are referred to in I-141.

2 of Rig Veda and explained by Sayana. An Instrumentality of wind in causing rainfall and their bonding with cloud can be simply read in Rig Veda. A verse of Rig Veda describes the earth encompassed by atmosphere. The Solar phenomenana are associated with the vault of the sky or heaven where lightening, rain and wind are referred to as phenomenan but its unceratanity whether the Rig Veda had knowledge It is visibly classified in Rig Veda that dust speck and moisture or humidity is held by the atmosphere” (Mukherjee, 2014-2105, p 12).

” In Arthasastra , Kautilya substantiates the concern for the preservation of forest and wildlife. To establish their vast empire the Mauryas required a rich agricultural resource base in order to support a huge armed forces and official machinery. So great importance was given in the Mauryan agrarian policy for the sake of agricultural expansion. This stand led to the rapid clearing of forest and establishing agriculturally productive riral units. As an obvious outcome of such practice, hunting pressure on wildlife increased and their habitats got shrunk and degraded. The immense cutting of trees preceded the institution of large scale settlement under the Mauryans and biotic interference of excess grazing resulted in defoliation of natural vegetal cover. The cleaning process with the help of iron tools also developed the hunting strategy which constituted a vicious circle of ecological catastrophe.

The change in land forest ratio had shown some adverse effect and Kautilya was growing apprehensive about the misbalance that was ensured through urbalization. Accordingly, social awareness increased and for the need of readjustment an environmental ethics was formed (Mukherjee, 2014-2105, p 14-15). ” The heed for environment and the portrayal of the climate entered into the domain of classical literature. The finest example is found in the literary creation of Kalidas and Varahamihira.

In the nature Purvamegha section of the Meghadutam, Kalidas has depicted the beauties of the nature and imposed on them all the shades of human emotions , imagining cloud as a love messenger in literature as well as history. According to him, cloud is nothing but a congregation of smoke, fire and water. Here naming rain cloud Jimuta is significant. It means life confined because in ancient India, all external activities, especially mobility in connection with business ceased with the beginning of rain (Mukherjee, 2014-2105, p 18).

” Brihatsamhita written by Varahamihira holds an enormours knowledge about climatology and meteorology in addition to astrological prediction. Varahmihira was conscious on the ongoing processes o exploitation of forest land. He knew that it would hamper cultivation and was apprehensive of its result. He strongly believes that deforestation would reduce the amount of rainfall and cause prolific drought and famine. His perception of environment tried to motivate people, particularly the cultivators, to interact with nature in a systematic process and give it a scientifice treatment” (Mukherjee, 2014-2105, p 20).

So the above expositions illuminate the development of the perception of environment in a more spiritual, scientific and deep materialistic fashion, yet bringing forth the similarity of the acceptance of ecological balance as the necessity of human existence. The pace of the clock doesn’t get jammed here, as because now we move to another phase of time where Environment, Ecological balance and the symbiotic relation between man and nature gets a new stance of explanation. Environmental Movements in India- A Movement takes its form or intensity only when the ground of collectivity is formed within the movement. So this substance of the collectivity act as a precursor in proliferating the act of a Movement.

But on the other hand, this same substance of collectivity can act as a cause in rottening the Environment which is shared by all. Indian Society has held a long tradition of the symbiotic relation between man and nature through its early text, veda, puranans, literature, history and other aspects of its culture and society. Yet it didn’t step out from the act of collectivity in destroying its own virgin forest land.

But such acts are seen mainly as venture to feed the necessity drawn by greed of the state apparature both in pre colonial- colonial and post colonial time, private multi millionaire companies, the necessity of foreign markets and as a drive for development. But with 1960s and 1970s the polices and the society changed. It was enlarged and strengthening the society for self- defense against the state. It created democratic awakening resulting in self- assertion and political participation.

If we compare the Environment movement of the North and the South along this time frame, then certain important differences can be cited out- first- the environment of the north has been related to the emergence of post- materialistic or post- industrial society. The core member are mostly middle class living in material condition that facilitated their relative neglect of material, economic and redistributed demands. While the Environment movement in the South has been of the marginalized poor to protect the environment mean of livelihood and sustenance. Action in defense of such resources and growing encrochment and degradation by the richer and better off section of the society. Secondly, unlike the North the conflict are not so much over how the environment should be used, but over who should use and benefit from it. Environment movement in India is for the survival of the local poor.

As Vandana Shiva states- explains that the environmental movement in our country is between those who are benefiting and define development in its own way, and those who are sacrificed without any benefit at the behest of development. It is to deepen the democracy into to the roots of the society we live in. Conclusion- One of the finest principle of Physics is Newton Third Law of Motion which states- Every Action has an opposite and Equal Reaction. In case of New Social Movement and Environment Movement in India we do see the reflection of ceratin acts which in effect foster the stimulation of such struggle. New Social Movement provided the platform for bringing out those causes which were subsided by the dominant understanding of reality. Out of those causes- Environment came up as an imperative one. The core issue of Environmental Movement was not only a call from the subaltern class assisted by the dominant class to protect the Environment from the cluches of Industrialization or to be more precise Market Economy.

But also as a platform to nurture the idea of developing an Alternative Perspective of Economy. This Alternative Economy demands to change the contours of Market Economy in order to bring out the necessity of an economy based on ecological stability. The destruction of large tracks of grazing land and farmland in Africa cannot be taken as a necessity for the development of multinational food business in those countries. The concept of ecological rehabilitation does comes up as an important clause in market dealing but over the time get subsumed under the facet of development. In case of third world countries the picture differes a little because the glorious darkness of Colonization still acts as a patchwork in its history.

During the colonial time we do find a resource intensive economy, which was primarily based on exploitation of resources to feed the industrial growth. With independence this countries drew up their own economic system, but within the framework of their colonial past. If Anderson work is sited out, then its marked out that our understanding of Nationalisms/ Immaginied Community is itself marked out by the modular forms given to us by the European nations.

In the work of Shiva and Bandhapadhay they have rightly marked it out that the resources intensive economy still dwells within the economic structure of the present time. This is leading to the environmental movement which not only counter their threat to survival, but also demand the necessity to uphold the stability between economy and environment. A very powerful avowal by Mahatma Gandhi personify the present instability in the World- ” Earth provides enough to satisfy every man’s need, but not every mans’s Greed”.

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